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Breaking news
University makes its case before the Supreme Court
By Julie Peterson
and Anthony Collings
Office of the Vice President for Communications
The University argued in support of its admissions policies April 1 before
a packed Supreme Court. Outside the court, several thousand supporters—many
of them students who had traveled in by busload from across the country—rallied
in favor of affirmative action.
The cases generated a virtually unprecedented amount of media and public
interest, according to observers. In response, the court released a complete
audiotape immediately following oral arguments, a decision made only once
before in its history (Bush v. Gore). A link to the audio can be found
at http://www.umich.edu/~urel/admissions/new/.
A decision by the court is expected sometime in June, close to the end
of its term.
Grutter v. Bollinger
Arguing in the Law School case (Grutter v. Bollinger), attorney Maureen
Mahoney said the government has a “compelling interest in having
an institution that is both academically excellent and racially diverse.”
Future leaders must be “trained in institutions that are excellent,
that are superior academically, but they also need to be trained with
exposure to the viewpoints, to the perspectives, to the experiences of
individuals from diverse backgrounds.”
“It has certainly been the consistent position of the Department
of Education for the past 25 years that (the Supreme Court’s 1978
decision in) Bakke is the governing standard, and that schools are encouraged
to use programs to achieve diversity,” she said.
Kirk Kolbo, attorney with the Center for Individual Rights, said the plaintiff
Barbara Grutter had a right guaranteed by the Constitution that her race
would not count against her in admissions decisions. Solicitor General
Theodore Olson argued that the Law School’s admissions process “fails
every test” devised by the court and amounts to a “thinly
disguised quota.”
Two justices, Antonin Scalia and Anthony Kennedy, questioned the University
more closely about whether quotas are used. Mahoney said the word “quota”
has a clear legal definition and the Law School process does not fit that
definition, because there is no fixed numerical target for the numbers
of minority students admitted. Instead, she said, each applicant is considered
individually as part of a flexible process.
Flexible goals for minority enrollment “can be related to numbers
without being a quota,” Mahoney said. She noted that the Department
of Education, in 1979 policy guidelines interpreting the Bakke decision,
“authorized schools to establish and pursue numerical goals”
as long as they did not set aside a fixed number of places or make race
the sole criterion for eligibility.
Justice David Souter said five justices agreed in Bakke that “there
is a permissible zone between a purely token number (of minority students)
and a quota or set-aside, and you can shoot for something in that zone.”
More than 100 amicus briefs—a record number—were filed with
the court in the two cases, most in support of the University. The court
seemed especially interested in a brief filed by 29 former high-ranking
military leaders. Several justices returned to the issue again and again
with Kolbo and Olson, noting that the military academies are dependent
upon race-conscious policies to recruit a diverse officers corps. Olson,
who was quizzed about the government’s own policies, did not answer
the question of whether he believes such practices at the military academies
are legal.
One of the key issues in the two cases is whether race ever can be taken
into account in making admissions decisions. Justice Sandra Day O’Connor,
seen by many as a key swing vote on the court, noted that Bakke provides
an important precedent that must be considered.
O’Connor asked the attorneys whether they agreed with Justice Lewis
Powell’s opinion in Bakke that race could be considered as one of
many factors in admissions. Kolbo said it is “impermissible”
to use race as a factor, to which O’Connor replied, “You’re
speaking in absolutes and it isn’t quite that. I think we have given
recognition to the use of race in a variety of settings.”
O’Connor also said she was concerned about whether Michigan’s
use of affirmative action has a fixed time period or is intended to go
on indefinitely.
Mahoney said the court should not conclude that such a remedy is “permanent.”
“There are two things that can happen that will make this come to
an end,” she said. “The first is that the number of high-achieving
minorities will continue to grow, and the Law School will (someday) be
able to enroll a sufficient number … without having to take race
into account.” Second, she said, “we could reach a point in
our society where the experience of being a minority does not make such
a fundamental difference in (people’s) lives.”
Gratz v. Bollinger
Attorney John Payton, arguing on behalf of the University in the undergraduate
case (Gratz v. Bollinger), began his remarks addressing the issue of whether
affirmative action serves to break down or reinforce stereotypes, a topic
the opposing attorneys and several justices had brought up during the
Law School arguments.
Students come to Michigan, he said, from largely segregated backgrounds
in which they “have rarely had experiences across racial or ethnic
lines.” The diverse environment created at the University allows
them to set aside previously held stereotypes through their interactions
in small settings such as classrooms, residence halls and coffee houses.
Such learning is only possible, however, if minority students are present
in sufficient numbers to create a “critical mass,” he explained.
“If there are too few African American students, there's a risk
that those students will feel that they have to represent their group,
their race. It results in these token students not feeling completely
comfortable expressing their individuality. On the other hand, if there
are meaningful numbers of African American students, this sense of isolation
dissipates.”
The educational benefits of diversity, Payton said, “do not depend
in any way on the assumption that, for example, all African Americans
think alike.”
Pressed by the justices for what number of minority students constitutes
a critical mass, Payton said, “There's a false precision here that
everybody wants, which is, ‘Tell me exactly what this is.’
I don't think it exactly works like that.”
Scalia asked both Mahoney and Payton whether the University has gotten
itself into this predicament by requiring such high academic standards.
“If (having racial diversity) is indeed a significant compelling
state interest, why don't you lower your standards?” he inquired
of Payton. “You don't have to be the great college you are; you
can be a lesser college if that value is important enough to you.”
And Justice Clarence Thomas—who is known for rarely asking questions of
attorneys—raised the same issue toward the end of the arguments,
saying, “Now, I know you don't want to make the choice, but will
you at least acknowledge that there is a tension (between being an elite
school and having a diverse student body)?”
“We have great educational institutions in this country,”
Payton said. “The University of Michigan is one of them. I think
we are the envy of the world.” If the decision is between having
“a poor education for the essentially white students,” he
said, “and/or you can say, change what you are as an institution,
I think we get to decide what our mission is. I think the Constitution
gives us some leeway in deciding what our mission is and how we define
ourselves.”
Kolbo said the court should not rely on the judgment of educators to define
what is fair. “The history of their case and of the University’s
defense of its discriminatory admissions policies is a powerful argument
about the perils of entrusting to the discretionary judgments of educators
the protection of the Constitution’s guarantee of equality to all
individuals.”
Added Olson: “The Michigan Law School and the University of Michigan
ultimately must make a choice. It may maintain its elitist, as it refers
to it, selection process without regard to race, or it may achieve the
racial diversity it seeks with race-neutral compromises in its admission
standards. But the one thing that it may not do is compromise its admission
standards or change its admission requirements for one race and not another.
That is forbidden by the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution.”
During the arguments, the justices asked Kolbo whether there were any
circumstances under which race legitimately could be considered. “I
think they would have to be extraordinary and rare, perhaps, rising to
the level of life or limb,” Kolbo said.
Responded Justice Stephen Breyer: “The other side says … we have large
racial diversity within the country, the world is even more diverse, and
we think from the point of view of business, the armed forces, law, etc.,
that this is an extraordinary need to have diversity among elites throughout
the country. That without it, the country will be much worse off. In fact,
the country might not function well at all. All right, now, how can you
say … that isn't extraordinary? That isn't a matter of life or limb
for the country?”
Summarizing his argument, Payton said, “When Justice Powell said
in Bakke that it’s not too much to say that the nation’s future
depends upon leaders trained through wide exposure to the ideas and mores
of students as diverse as this nation of many peoples, I think that statement
was absolutely correct then. I think it has never been truer than it is
today.
“This is of enormous importance—not just to the University
of Michigan, I'd say to all of higher education and I think to our country
as a whole—to be able to do things that bring us together, that
bring us understanding, that result in tolerance.” These efforts,
he said, bring us “closer to the day that we all look forward to
when, in fact, we are beyond some of these problems that we've been discussing
rather intensely here today.”
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